Groups of Provinces may be formed and such groups may determine the Provincial subjects which they desire to take in common. The Viceroy and the Cabinet Mission could not agree to include nationalist Muslim as Jinnah strongly objected to it. The two parties had performed well in the elections and had emerged as the two main parties in the subcontinent, the provincial organisations having been defeated. The League was happy over such an elucidation but Congress persisted on its own interpretation. In simple words, the Provinces were to submit to the constitution framed by the Groups. In fact, Jinnah feared that the Interim Government would be manned by Pt. Liaquat Ali Khan, Raja Gaznafar Alikhan, Abdur Rab Nishtar, I.
The Constituent assembly had to comprise 293 Members from the British Provinces and 93 members from the Princely states. Three representatives of the minorities were to be nominated by the Viceroy, one of them was to be a Sikh. It wrecked the national unity and disintegrated the transport, the post and telegraph and the defence services. This is photograph from the collections of the. Two groups would be constituted by the mainly Muslim western and eastern provinces.
Ten years hence India is not likely to be satisfied with anything less than adult suffrage to express its mind on all grave issues. The Congress resented it also as the Scheduled Castes constituted the integral part of Hindu community. Jinnah objected to the above suggestions of the Viceroy on the following grounds and rejected the offer of joining the Interim Government, i There would not be parity between the Congress and the Muslim League. The Commission expected India to embrace and retain membership of the Commonwealth of Nations, though she was given an option to come out of it whenever it so desired. . John Mathai, Sardar Baldev Singh, Sir Shafaat Ahmed Khan, Mr.
The All-India Congress Committee declared on June 1, 1946. The objection to this option was that it would be against the wishes and interest of a large proportion of the inhabitants of these provinces and that in the West it would divide the Sikh community into two. Engineer, an official, was also objected by the Congress. I see no hope of saving India from catastrophe. The Muslim League on the other hand was of the view that it was compulsory for a Province to join the Group it was assigned and that the decisions in a section were to be taken by a simple majority vote of the Representatives in that section. The Transfer of Power in India.
Upon arriving in the subcontinent the mission found both parties, the Indian National Congress and Muslim League, more unwilling than ever to reach a settlement. On account of some of its inherent defects referred to in the preceding paragraphs, the Cabinet Mission could obtain only a precarious compromise which could not stand the onslaught of deep-rooted mutual suspicion and distrust between League and the Congress. Jinnah admitted before the Muslim League Council that there could be no fairer solution of the minority problem than that prescribed in the Cabinet Mission Plan. The Mission purpose was: 1. He believed that provincial groupings could best secure this. We may quote a few lines of Pt. Session in Bombay on July 6, 1946, were quoted to justify its reading of the Congress mind.
They sketched a three-tier constitutional structure for India. We think it should be clearly stated that the Federal Union must have power to raise revenues in its own right. If there is no agreement on this or any similar matter, we are prepared to leave it to arbitration. On one side Congress was eager that the task of constitution making should be given to the constituent assembly. However, it was only in March 1946 that with the arrival of three Cabinet Ministers, Lord Pethick-Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and Mr.
We are of the opinion that the new suggested points for agreement are a fundamental departure from the original formula embodied in your letter of 27th April, which was rejected by the Congress. A list of princely states of India that would be permitted to accede to either dominion or attain independence was also drawn up. It might be remembered that the present basis of election for the provincial assemblies is strongly weighted in favour of the minorities. We are at present a joint family. A New History of India. The controversy on this issue wrecked the Cabinet Mission Plan.
The negotiations were bogged down on the basic question whether India was to remain united or to be split up to satisfy the Muslim Leagues demand for Pakistan. The Congress opposed to the partition of the country, but was prepared to go to the farthest limit in conceding cultural, economic and regional autonomy to various regions. That there should be a single constitution-making body, we can never agree to; nor can we agree to the method of formation of constitution-making machineries suggested in the paper. Thus the atmosphere was replete with communalism when the invitation for attending the meetings of the Constituent Assembly was extended by the Viceroy on November 20, 1946, to the elected members. The language of the Plan was vague on this point. The desire for a united India was an outcome of both their pride in having politically unified the subcontinent and the doubts most British authorities had as to the feasibility of Pakistan. It was really the best possible solution under the circumstances.
But neither side really trusted the other, Congress leaders suspecting that Muslim Leaguers agreed only in order to buy time until they felt strong enough to break free and establish their state of Pakistan; the League feared that once the British left, Congress would ignore the plan's communal checks, undermining both powerful Muslim-majority groups to bolster the central powers of a Hindu-dominated union. Nobody believes that each province would have had their own currency. Thus we see that though the Cabinet Mission plan rejected the idea of separate Pakistan, yet it grouped the provinces in such a way that it gave weightage to the idea of Pakistan, because the Section B would get almost complete autonomy. Hence in the middle of October, 1946, Muslim majority districts of Bengal namely Noakhali and Tipperah experienced communal riots. Representatives of the States would be chosen by a method to be decided later on.